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<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=4><STRONG>FOREIGN AFFAIRS</STRONG></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2><A
href="http://www.foreignaffairs.org/20050501faessay84304-p30/fouad-ajami/the-autumn-of-the-autocrats.html">http://www.foreignaffairs.org/20050501faessay84304-p30/fouad-ajami/the-autumn-of-the-autocrats.html</A></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff
size=2></FONT><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><STRONG><FONT face=Arial size=2>The Autumn of the
Autocrats</FONT></STRONG></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>By Fouad Ajami</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><FONT face=Arial
size=2></FONT></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>From <I>Foreign Affairs</I>, May/June
2005</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><FONT face=Arial
size=2></FONT></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>
<HR>
</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><FONT face=Arial
size=2></FONT></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Summary: If the assassins of former Lebanese Prime
Minister Rafiq Hariri sought to make an example of him for his defiance of
Syria, the aftermath of the crime has mocked them. For a generation, Lebanon was
an appendage of Syrian power. But now the Lebanese people, in an "independence
intifada," are clamoring for a return to normalcy. The old Arab edifice of power
has survived many challenges in the past, but something is different this time:
the United States is now willing to gamble on freedom.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><FONT face=Arial
size=2></FONT></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><EM><FONT face=Arial size=2>Fouad Ajami is Majid Khadduri Professor of
Middle Eastern Studies at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International
Studies at Johns Hopkins University.</FONT></EM></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><EM></EM></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>THE MEANING OF LEBANON</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><FONT face=Arial
size=2></FONT></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>They quarreled with Rafiq Hariri's way of
rebuilding Beirut, dismissing his renewal project as an assault on the capital's
archaeological heritage and the graceful old city of fabled memory. They wrote
off his ambitious economic policy, pointing to the vast public debt that
accumulated under his stewardship. Many Lebanese saw Hariri as Saudi Arabia's
man, never quite taking to the swashbuckling way he climbed to the heights of
power. But on February 14, when the former prime minister was struck down by a
huge bomb that shattered his motorcade as it passed near Beirut's swank hotels
and sea front -- in the very district his construction company had remade from
rubble -- Lebanon had its first "martyr" in many years.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><FONT face=Arial
size=2></FONT></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Hariri had not been a vocal opponent of Syria, but
the opposition now claimed him as its own. He had risen through the subtle
workings of politics and power, but "the street" now belonged to him. A Sunni
Muslim, he had never bonded entirely with the Christians of East Beirut and
Mount Lebanon, but he now became public property, a symbol of national unity. If
Hariri's assassins sought to make an example of him for his growing defiance of
Syrian power, the aftermath of the crime mocked them. A country forgotten and
consigned to the captivity of its eastern neighbor shook off its fear and
reticence. For the span of a generation, Lebanon was merely an appendage of
Syrian power: for all practical purposes, the small republic left the world of
independent nations. But now the Lebanese were clamoring for a return to
normalcy, calling their spontaneous eruption the "independence
intifada."</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><FONT face=Arial
size=2></FONT></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Lebanon, with a distinctive history and character,
was not, after all, a part of "Greater Syria"; it would not be written off as a
strategic consolation prize for a regime locked into an increasingly uneven
standoff with Israel. It had taken a quarter century of guile for the late
Syrian dictator Hafiz al-Assad to consolidate his power over Lebanon (although
Syria's occupation officially dates from 1990). He did it, alternately, by
stealth and brutality. There was no blitzkrieg like Saddam Hussein's conquest of
Kuwait; the trappings of Lebanese sovereignty were kept but were emptied of
content. But now, in one brazen act of terror, the Syrian presence in Lebanon
would become a concern of the world.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><FONT face=Arial
size=2></FONT></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>It is safe to assume that no inquiry will establish
with certainty if the Syrians were responsible for the deed. It is likely that
the trail to Damascus will never be found. Access to the "crime scene" --
Lebanon itself -- has been limited, and Syria's regime of satraps in Beirut has
done its best to hamper a thorough investigation of the crime. But the Lebanese
opposition has no doubt as to the identity of the assailants, and is taking
matters into its own hands.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><FONT face=Arial
size=2></FONT></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><STRONG><FONT face=Arial size=2>SHIFTING GROUND</FONT></STRONG></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><FONT face=Arial
size=2></FONT></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>If the outrage within Lebanon broke through the old
taboos of the Syrian-Lebanese relationship, the international setting has been
dramatically transformed as well. France and the United States feuded over Iraq;
Syria's occupation of Lebanon has provided them with an opportunity for common
purpose. Assad's inexperienced heir, his son Bashar, is now caught in an
international storm destined to be the test of his regime.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>In 1990-91, in the context of a radically different
international order, the world averted its gaze as Syria destroyed the last
vestiges of Lebanon's independence. That was the price willingly paid by
President George H.W. Bush for enlisting Damascus in the first campaign against
Saddam. Those were good wages garnered by the Syrians. Syria did little for the
coalition but was accepted as the gendarmerie of a volatile Lebanese polity.
Then the outside world forgot about Lebanon. The missionaries, businesspeople,
writers, and spooks who had known the country wandered away or aged. The
dominant impression of Lebanon became that of a country given to tribal atavisms
and bottomless feuds.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>But more than a decade later, U.S. power positioned
itself in Iraq, directly on Syria's eastern border. Pax Americana's tolerance
for bargains with strongmen had substantially eroded since the September 11
attacks. True, Syria had not merited charter membership in President George W.
Bush's "axis of evil." The Syrians warded off danger by "turning state's
evidence" -- sharing what intelligence they had about the countless jihadists
who hailed from Syria. But even as Syria tried to sit out the campaign in Iraq,
it could not do so entirely. The lucrative Syrian trade of reexporting Iraqi oil
in violation of international sanctions -- bringing in a windfall of some $1
billion a year -- was one casualty of this war. The other was most of Syria's
leverage with the United States. Damascus had no real claims on Washington's
loyalty and indulgence. The sort of access to the Pax Americana enjoyed by Cairo
and Riyadh was not available to Syria's rulers. In the run-up to the Iraq war,
Damascus had voted for a Security Council resolution authorizing Iraq's
disarmament. But that could not buy Syria indefinite protection against the
United States' wrath. Indeed, Bashar al-Assad and his cronies could be forgiven
their worries that their regime could be the next target in U.S. cross hairs.
The spectacle of the Iraqi dictator chased into his "spider hole" provided a
cautionary tale. Hard as Damascus may have tried to maintain that Iraq was not
its affair, the toppling of the Baathist tyranny next door was a crystal ball in
which Syria's rulers could glimpse intimations of their own demise.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>No one in the Arab world would shed tears for Assad
and his political dynasty, and he and his men knew that. Theirs was a minority
regime, the dominion of the Alawis, a heterodox Muslim community from Syria's
northern mountains, over a principally Sunni Muslim society. Hafiz al-Assad, who
established the regime, may have lacked Saddam's megalomania, but at the heart
of his government was the cult of the ruler and his iron fist. In Syria as in
Iraq, a generation of peasant soldiers and merciless ideologues took the society
apart and trumpeted their pursuit of a new social order, only to create a system
of political sterility and economic plunder.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Although Assad's regime had shut down its critics
at home and had seemingly subdued Lebanon, the new security doctrine of the
United States held dangers aplenty for it. Wars of pre-emption were now a
distinct possibility. Washington had its hands full in Iraq, but no one in
Damascus could be certain that the U.S. drive to finish off Arab dictators would
come to a halt in Iraq. And there were Washington's "neocons" -- a veritable
obsession of the Arab intellectual and political class, in Damascus and beyond.
Who knew what they had in mind? There was unsettling talk of "low-hanging fruit"
and "phase two" of the U.S. military effort. There was paranoia to spare in Arab
political circles about a new American imperial bid to remake the Arab
world.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>As Syria's rulers hunkered down and waited to see
the unfolding of the U.S. project in Iraq, they did their best to aid and abet
the anti-U.S. insurgency there, while still maintaining the necessary fiction of
their neutrality, doing what they could to avoid open confrontation with
Washington. It was a game of cat and mouse: it was known that Arab jihadists
from Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Jordan traveled to Mosul and the Sunni
Triangle from Syria. There was irony here: an Alawite regime that was at odds
with Sunni Islamists at home was feeding a Sunni insurgency next door. The
jihadists dreaded the Syrian regime as a "godless tyranny" but took its favors.
The 400-mile border was porous, and the Syrians had no interest in securing it.
There were loyalists of the decapitated Iraqi regime with money to spare; they
were looking for sanctuary, and the Syrians would provide it.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>It was important for Syria that this heady U.S. bid
to change the politics of the Arab states be thwarted. The more blood and
treasure the United States expended in Iraq, the safer it was for Damascus. The
new U.S. reach into the Arab world was a transient affair, the Syrians hoped. In
time, Washington would grow weary of its burdens and pack up the military gear,
along with U.S. designs for the region and its people. In the interim, Syria
would punctuate its steady undermining of the U.S. operation with small favors
and concessions to the U.S. military authorities. The Syrians could also plead
that sealing the Syrian-Iraqi border was beyond their power and that they lacked
the means and technology to monitor the age-old traffic on their
frontier.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>The Bush administration had announced nothing less
than the obsolescence of the Arab world's old authoritarian order. The brittle
system in Damascus was in a fight to keep intact its old ways of control. Gone
was the steady hand of the old juggler, Hafiz al-Assad. Gone, too, made obsolete
by the rise of George W. Bush and Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, was the
tortured U.S. diplomacy, that fabled "peace process," that had courted Damascus
and catered to its sense of importance as a big player in the Fertile Crescent.
When he was Israel's prime minister, Ehud Barak had contemplated a deal with
Damascus in preference to a settlement with the Palestinians. The Syrians had
held back and were left on the sidelines. No one in Jerusalem or Washington was
waiting on Syria any longer. An autocratic regime had survived, but the
confidence and the security it had once possessed had cracked.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><STRONG><FONT face=Arial size=2>A DIFFERENT
WORLD</FONT></STRONG></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><FONT face=Arial
size=2></FONT></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>In retrospect, it was inevitable that Lebanon would
provide the setting for the response of Syria to the mounting pressures it
faced, that it would be in Beirut that Damascus would set out to defy the world,
only to highlight the crisis of its moribund regime.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>In late 2004, trouble had erupted when Syria
extended the mandate of its Maronite Christian satrap in Beirut, President Emile
Lahoud. He had served out his six-year term, and Lebanon's constitution decreed
the end of his tenure. Lahoud's had not been a happy stewardship. The country
had begun to bristle under Syrian control, and the former military officer was
Syria's man -- nothing more. Lahoud was even at odds with the mainstream members
of his own Maronite community, who have traditionally been devoted to the
ancestral independence of their country. Over time, the Syrian embrace had grown
suffocating. Syrian agents were trampling on internal matters such as
naturalization policies and an education system of which Lebanon had long been
proud. The machinery of extortion had become particularly burdensome, as the
Syrians helped themselves to what could be had in Lebanon. It had become
increasingly difficult to live with the humiliation.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>A quiet rebellion was gathering steam. The revered
Maronite patriarch, Cardinal Mar Nasrallah Boutros Sfeir, launched a brave
campaign for the restoration of Lebanon's sovereignty. Lebanon had always been,
at its heart, a "Christian homeland." With the sanctity and protection given him
by his standing in Lebanon and the Catholic world, Sfeir emerged as the
standard-bearer of the country's sovereignty. Hereditary Druze leader Walid
Jumblat, who had accommodated Syrian power for a quarter century, also drifted
into the opposition. His father, Kamal, once a towering figure in the country's
politics, had been struck down by the Syrians in 1977. The son knew that there
was nothing he could do to avenge his father, but he threw caution to the wind
to become a vocal opponent of Syrian hegemony.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Lebanon's identity was at stake, but the backward
Syrian regime showed no signs of retreat. A military presence passed off as a
counter to Israel's "security zone" in the south had taken Israel's May 2000
withdrawal in stride, as though nothing had happened. The Syrians could have
left well enough alone: they could have abandoned Lahoud and chosen another
proxy from the Maronite political class. But Bashar al-Assad lacked his father's
touch. He was determined to get his way, if only to show that nothing had
changed since Hafiz's death. Prime Minister Hariri, a bitter enemy of Lahoud,
was summoned to Damascus, where he was informed that the decision to extend
Lahoud's mandate had already been made. The meeting between Hariri and Assad
lasted only several minutes. A man of great wealth, who had been prime minister
for 10 of the preceding 12 years, was shown little respect.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Hariri knew he would be a marked man if he opted
for a break with Syria. He hedged his bets, submitted his resignation, and let
the word out that he was probing his political options. His government was
replaced by one of quislings. The relative legitimacy that had been accorded his
cabinet was denied the successor government. Syria now faced the prospect of an
immensely influential Sunni Muslim, the leading figure of his community,
bringing his followers -- and his substantial wealth and international standing
-- into the opposition.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>It was in the midst of this crisis that the UN
Security Council adopted Resolution 1559, sponsored by France and the United
States, calling for a "free and fair electoral process in Lebanon's upcoming
presidential election ... without foreign interference" and for "all remaining
foreign forces to withdraw from Lebanon." The timing was telling: the Security
Council vote took place on September 2 of last year; the hapless Lebanese
parliament rubber-stamped Syria's extension of Lahoud's tenure a day
later.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>It was immensely important that Washington and
Paris worked together. In the new effort to push Syria out of Lebanon, the
United States was free of the burden, and the taint, of unilateralism. Europe
had substantial assets to bring to the fight, if only because the U.S. economic,
cultural, and political presence in Syria had been rather limited in
comparison.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>French diplomacy may have been "pacifist" over
Iraq, but Paris still felt the tug of its imperial memory. The Mediterranean
coastline and the hill country of Lebanon were once French domains. France's
language and culture left their indelible mark on the people of Mount Lebanon.
The traffic between France and Lebanon's Maronites goes back centuries. In 1860,
Napoleon III dispatched a French expedition to Lebanon to help the Maronites
after a communal war broke out between them and the Druze. French power, in
1920, created the modern republic of Lebanon, bequeathed it its favorable
borders, annexing to the Maronite Mount Lebanon the coastal cities of the
Mediterranean, the Bekaa Valley to the east, and the Shia hinterland to the
south. And beyond old memories, personal friendship was no doubt a factor:
President Jacques Chirac was a close friend of Hariri's for years. The Syrian
rulers, generally given to a healthy dose of paranoia, were convinced that
Hariri had played a big role in drafting resolution 1559 and that French
diplomacy, in turn, had stiffened U.S. resolve against Syria.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>But even before Hariri's tragic death reawakened
interest in Lebanon's fate, Syria's occupation was being called into question.
In his State of the Union address on February 2, 2005, President Bush announced
a departure from the old U.S. reticence: "Syria still allows its territory, and
parts of Lebanon, to be used by terrorists who seek to destroy every chance of
peace in the region. You have passed, and we are applying, the Syrian
Accountability Act, and we expect the Syrian government to end all support for
terror, and open the door to freedom." The Syrian Accountability and Lebanese
Sovereignty Restoration Act, a congressional initiative of 2003, had given the
president broad authority to impose a range of economic sanctions and
restrictions on Syria. The White House had initially treated the initiative with
some reserve, and so its embrace by Bush signaled a change in official
policy.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>In the aftermath of Hariri's assassination, Bush
upped the ante: Syrian armed forces had to quit Lebanon and take with them their
intelligence operatives. There was no small irony in this twist of history:
fifteen years earlier, George H.W. Bush and Hafiz al-Assad had struck a deal
that liquidated Lebanon's independence; now their sons were bringing that deal
to an end. It was fitting that the edifice of Syrian control secured in the
first campaign against Saddam was being undone in the course of the
second.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Syria never fully assimilated how different the
world had become after September 11. In March 2001, Cardinal Sfeir had journeyed
to the United States, where he sought an audience with Bush -- in vain. This
was, after all, the time of realism: no one wanted to offend Damascus or stir up
the passions of Lebanese nationalism. Four years later, however, a president who
had "planted the flag of liberty" in Arab lands had no choice but to take up the
cause of Lebanon's independence. The war on terror came to Lebanon's rescue. If
the Middle East was to be repaired, then the establishment of a legitimate
system of authority in Lebanon was of paramount concern. Damascus held effective
power but was not accountable; Beirut retained the trappings of sovereignty but
could not deliver public order or maintain peace in its territory.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><STRONG><FONT face=Arial size=2>THE HEZBOLLAH EFFECT</FONT></STRONG></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><FONT face=Arial
size=2></FONT></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>A truly sovereign Lebanese government could have
brought Hezbollah to heel. But Syria's writ made it impossible for the Lebanese
army to deploy to the south, the frontier with Israel; Hezbollah lived on the
indulgence granted by its status as an Islamic "resistance movement" and could
ride roughshod over the authority of any incumbent government.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>In truth, however, the Israeli withdrawal from
southern Lebanon robbed the militia of its raison d'être. True, a pretext was
found for Hezbollah to retain its weapons: in the aftermath of the withdrawal,
the group made a new claim on a small strip of land still in Israel's possession
called Shebaa Farms. But the cause of Shebaa Farms is a sham, and everyone apart
from the most diehard of Hezbollah operatives knows it: the underdeveloped land
is actually subject to negotiations between Damascus and Jerusalem, for Syrian
forces had possession of it when it fell under Israel's control in 1967. No
great emotions stir in Lebanon about that largely barren territory.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Strictly speaking, Hezbollah does not need the
"holy war" and is already participating in the confessional politics of Lebanon,
on behalf of the poorer Shiites. The Party of God fields candidates for
Lebanon's parliament, runs a television station, and funds a whole host of
economic endeavors. Hitherto, U.S. diplomacy has paid Hezbollah only fitful
attention. U.S. officials could turn up in Damascus, but no satisfaction could
be had there. In the words of the articulate Lebanese publisher Gebran Tuéni,
the Syrians ruled Lebanon by "remote control" and would never own up to their
power over Hezbollah's operatives. Why would Syria clip Hezbollah's wings? The
organization was Syria's trump card in Lebanon and on the border with Israel.
Iran provides Hezbollah with money; Syria's gift has been protection. But the
logic of the Bush administration's war on terror is one of pre-emption, of
refusing to wait on gathering dangers, so Hezbollah has long been destined to be
a legitimate U.S. concern.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Hezbollah's independent power should not be
overestimated. A Lebanese army free to assert its authority would easily subdue
it. That army would have on its side the bulk of a Shia community averse to
hurling itself and its villages into another destructive war on the
Lebanese-Israeli border. A viable political center revolves around the authority
of the Maronite patriarch, the prestige and power of the Druze leader Jumblat,
and the technocrats who were associated with Hariri, mainly Sunni Muslims who
have shed their acquiescence to join the anti-Syrian coalition. The Shiites have
appeared uncertain in the midst of this tumult, but they are nationalists and
will not want to be left out of the making of a new political order. They will
not want to end up on the side of a despised Syrian regime.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Hezbollah can bring its supporters to the street,
it is true. The Party of God is full of forebodings about its future. But its
public displays of "gratitude" to Syria for its presence in Lebanon cannot
provide the basis of a successful political strategy. Underneath the sound and
fury of Hezbollah, there are hard calculations of power. Hezbollah's leaders
must have a feel for the sentiment of the Shia mainstream: it was Lebanese
flags, rather than the banners of their party, that they brought to the mass
rally in Beirut on March 8. There was a moment of silence at that rally for
Hariri, and a message to the opposition that Hezbollah wants a share of the
country's power. A vast Shia propertied class, with a tenuous hold on
prosperity, has come into its own over the preceding quarter century. That Shia
mainstream will give Hezbollah time but will not want to bear the stigma of
supplication to Damascus. The call of home and patriotism will in the end bring
the Shiites into the emerging national consensus.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>The Lebanese opposition to Syria is at peace with
Hezbollah's political role. What the opposition seeks is an acceptance by
Hezbollah that Syrian hegemony has run its course and that a sovereign Lebanese
government must have unfettered authority. The French are advocates of a "soft
landing" for Hezbollah -- a transition to the political world. By the appearance
of things, the Bush administration has for now come to an accommodation with
that view, as it pursues the larger goal of pushing Syria out of
Lebanon.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><STRONG><FONT face=Arial size=2>FORTRESS OF SOLITUDE</FONT></STRONG></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><FONT face=Arial
size=2></FONT></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>The current Syrian regime is truly alone in the
world. In the Arab world itself, the isolation of Damascus is easy to see. Arab
public opinion has never taken to Syria's rulers. Before the destruction of his
regime, Saddam was accepted as defender of the Arabs, a son of the "Arab
nation," fighting its wars and sharing its atavisms. But he was a Sunni Arab;
Syria's rulers are cut of a different cloth. Perhaps their esoteric Alawite
faith is, in part, a factor in their estrangement. More important, they are
people of stealth who have waged their own wars against the Palestinians and cut
down to size Beirut's pan-Arabists in pursuit of Syrian hegemony.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Nor can the established Arab order do much for the
Syrians. Cairo will not intercede on behalf of Damascus. If the Egyptians
attempt it, their intervention will come without conviction. U.S. policy owes no
deference to Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. If anything, the Bush
administration's new emphasis on reform and liberty only highlights the
inadequacy of Mubarak's own regime.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Riyadh will not intercede either, but for different
reasons. Hariri held Saudi citizenship, and his ties to the House of Saud ran to
the very heart of the dynasty. Hariri had brought to Beirut not only Saudi money
and investments, but also the Saudi way -- an aversion to ideology, a
businessman's peace, and a belief in the power of wealth and caution. The Saudis
are not given to expressions of public outrage, but one of their own was struck
down in Beirut. A huge contingent of Saudi princes came to Beirut for Hariri's
funeral; the de facto ruler, Crown Prince Abdullah, went to the Hariri home in
Riyadh to offer condolences to his two older sons. Saudi Arabia will not trumpet
Syria's culpability in his death. But the reserve that Saudi Arabia has
displayed toward Syrian officialdom since the murder has conveyed the House of
Saud's unease. Plainly, there is no faith in Riyadh that Assad, the young Syrian
ruler, knows the intricacies of power.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Lebanon has long been ignored in the Arab circles
of power, but the wind now blows its way. This is a marked break with the past.
In the 1970s, when Palestine was the Arabs' avowed cause, the Arab states bought
time for themselves at Lebanon's expense. They bequeathed Lebanon and its
sovereignty to the Palestinians; they underwrote Yasir Arafat's "state within a
state." During the 1980s and 1990s, it was more of the same: the Arabs stepped
clear as Syria chipped away at the remnants of Lebanon's independence and
dignity. Many Lebanese are convinced that this lack of sympathy derived from the
fact that Lebanon is, in the main, a Christian country with heterodox
communities. There is a great deal of truth to that charge. But the Arab
abdication in Lebanon springs from varied sources, including the nature of Arab
politics: there was no "Arab solution" for Kuwait's troubles in 1990-91 and no
Arab solution for Iraq's nightmare under Saddam. The indifference to Lebanon
thus was of a piece with this larger cynical acceptance of the logic of brute
force in life.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>In the Arab world, there is now in the air the same
reading of Syria that came to surround Saddam's regime on the eve of its
destruction by the United States: a recognition that the Syrians have overplayed
their hand and are now on their own. No science can predict when old ways will
suddenly lose their legitimacy, and when patience with them will snap. There has
been much bloodshed in Arab life, everyone knows all too well. But the Hariri
murder, in full public view at midday in West Beirut, claimed the Syrian power
structure as its collateral damage. Assad's move to replace the head of military
intelligence with his brother-in-law only days after Hariri's murder was a
clumsy response to the suspicions swirling around Syria.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>The claims of an Iranian-Syrian accord should also
not be given much credence. Iran's horizons are wider, and Iran's interests
differ radically from those of Syria. For all their strident revolutionary
poses, the Iranians are shrewd, unsentimental practitioners of realpolitik.
Iran's pursuit of its nuclear ambitions (or the barter of these ambitions for
economic and political concessions from Europe and the United States) overwhelms
the concerns of Syria, with its extortion rackets in the Bekaa Valley and
Tripoli. Tehran will not ride to the rescue of Damascus.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><STRONG><FONT face=Arial size=2>THE STORM WAVE OF
FREEDOM</FONT></STRONG></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial><FONT size=2><FONT face=Arial
size=2></FONT></FONT></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>The independence of Lebanon should not be feared;
it is not stability that the Syrians provide. The sky will not fall if Syria
pulls out its troops. The Lebanese can take heart from recent events, for the
army has not split up, and the institutions of the state have held thus far.
Terrorism may yet make its appearance and threaten the fragile peace. It is then
that the Lebanese will be tested. But come what may, the "trusteeship" of Syria
has outlived its use. What the Syrians have built is a safe haven and a
sanctuary for terror.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>The nature and makeup of the Syrian regime is not
known with confidence. It is part Stalinist, part tribal-sectarian.
Fundamentally, it is remarkably similar to the Tikriti edifice built by Saddam.
It has the strengths and weaknesses of sectarian control: the secretiveness, the
devotion to the clan, the subordination to the leader, and the brittleness at
the center of it all. Hafiz al-Assad, the shrewd peasant soldier who built this
dominion and brought the Alawis out of their insularity to their current
position of power and material plenty, knew the ways of his region. But to judge
by the ongoing performance of Syria in Iraq and Lebanon, his son lacks his
subtlety.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>In one reading, Damascus will fight for its turf in
Lebanon. The Syrians will see their eviction from Lebanon as the first step
toward "regime change" in their own country. Syria's rulers have nowhere to go.
They ride a tiger, and the retribution against them, were they to be overthrown,
would be frightful. But there are grounds for a less apocalyptic view of things.
In this more realistic scenario, withdrawing from Lebanon would have no
consequences for the survival of the regime in Damascus. The withdrawal would be
deliberate, first to the Bekaa Valley, then across the border. The Syrians would
be given a fig leaf of an orderly retreat, in accordance with Security Council
Resolution 1559 and with a 1989 agreement concluded in Taif, Saudi Arabia, that
legitimized Syria's reach into Lebanon but made clear, in spirit, that Syria's
role was contingent on Israel's occupation of Lebanese territory. A Lebanese
parliamentary election scheduled for May is sure to bring a lopsided victory for
Syria's opponents, providing the perfect opportunity for the emergent Lebanese
government to ask for Syrian withdrawal.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Even if Syria leaves, there is no swift sword that
would extirpate with one stroke its influence in Lebanon. The claims of
contiguity, and geography more generally, would continue to make themselves
felt. But what would end is the debilitating machinery of control that the
Syrians use to dominate so much of Lebanon's life. In their fashion, the Syrians
have been darkly warning that they would set Beirut to the torch and bring about
a second civil war were they forced to pull out. There is primitiveness here,
but bluff as well. Lebanon's prosperity has spared the Syrians the consequences
of their own inefficiencies. Lebanon's banks have functioned as a banking system
for the Syrians. And an estimated 600,000 Syrian laborers have found work across
the border. Damascus would not likely destroy a country upon which it
relies.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>In addition, the will of Europe and the United
States -- and of the other Arab states, if they can be relied upon -- could come
into play. Syria is not a warrior state: it lives off tourist receipts and a
respectable amount of oil income, and it needs the economic skills and resources
of the foreign world. The Syrians cannot settle for a scorched-earth retreat in
Lebanon.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>In fact, Syria's Lebanon enterprise exacts a toll
on Syria itself. The occupation favors the military and the nomenklatura and
robs Syrian intellectuals of a next-door country where they might be able to
enjoy a margin of freedom. It was in that vein that a group of prominent Syrian
thinkers and oppositionists wrote an open letter to their Lebanese counterparts
that was published on February 24 in Lebanon's most prestigious paper,
An-Nahar-a national institution in its own right, which has been fearless in its
advocacy of Syria's withdrawal. The essay was a moving tribute to Hariri, a
message of condolence to the Lebanese over the death of their leader. His murder
was a "terrible ugly slaughter planned and perpetrated by those who do not wish
to see Lebanon healthy, united, and free," the letter read. It
continued:</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>We fully support your demand for the withdrawal of
the Syrian army from Lebanon, for the rectification of Syrian-Lebanese
relations, for the building of a relationship based on equality, independence,
and the free choice of both peoples. We have long expressed this view through
all means available to us, for we as educated Syrians have always found in
Lebanon a window for the expression of ideas not permitted us in our own
homeland.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>This is not quite a "Damascus spring," but in
Syria, too, there can be seen the stirrings of freedom. The Syrian people can
now see what is going on in the larger world. The Syrians, long in the grip of
autocracy, now find themselves in the crosscurrents of change. To their east, a
new Iraqi democracy struggles to take root and move away from dynastic
succession and the cult of statues and supreme leaders. To their west, valiant
(and stylish) young Lebanese have taken to the streets to proclaim their
attachment to liberty. Fear stalks Syria, to be sure: the rulers fear that the
world menaces their old privileges, and ordinary Syrians fear that an embattled
regime could visit on them its wrath and mercilessness. The Syrian rulers must
know that they have run their string in Beirut. But they may want to put on a
brave face, as Assad did in a much-anticipated speech to his parliament on March
5. He mixed hints of withdrawal with a false, serene insistence that Syria will
not be hustled out of Lebanon.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>Deep down the Syrians no doubt once believed that a
Pax Americana pressed in Iraq could be made to strike a bargain: Iraq for
Lebanon. The Syrians would provide their own version of cooperation on the
Syrian-Iraqi border in return for the old acceptance of their dominion in
Lebanon. This sort of bargain has had its advocates in Washington. But it now
lies in shambles. For one, the Syrians have not made good on their promises of
cooperation. Then, too, the prospect of a functioning Iraqi government that
would tend to its own affairs with Syria and hold it responsible for its deeds
suddenly seems within reach. This was the outcome of Iraq's elections. And there
has been that discernible change in Washington that makes tolerance for Syria
harder to live with: the new emphasis on freedom, the assertion by President
Bush that the old bargain with Arab autocracies has been an incubator for
terror.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>The entrenched systems of control in the Arab world
are beginning to give way. It is a terrible storm, but the perfect antidote to a
foul sky. The old Arab The entrenched systems of control in the Arab world are
beginning to give way. It is a terrible storm, but the perfect antidote to a
foul sky. The old Arab edifice of power, it is true, has had a way of surviving
many storms. It has outwitted and outlived many predictions of its imminent
demise.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial color=#0000ff size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>But suddenly it seems like the autumn of the
dictators. Something different has been injected into this fight. The United
States -- a great foreign power that once upheld the Arab autocrats, fearing
what mass politics would bring -- now braves the storm. It has signaled its
willingness to gamble on the young, the new, and the unknown. Autocracy was once
deemed tolerable, but terrorists, nurtured in the shadow of such rule, attacked
the United States on September 11, 2001. Now the Arabs, grasping for a new
world, and the Americans, who have helped usher in this unprecedented moment,
together ride this storm wave of freedom.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=Arial size=2>
<HR>
</FONT></DIV>
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